Arms exports linked to genocide risk would be banned
Dr Sophie Scamps, an independent MP, has brought in a bill with five parts. It covers selling military goods overseas, investments, company reports and trade with land held by force. It would touch defence firms, super funds, charities, unis, big companies and importers.
Official name: Red Lines Package Omnibus Bill 2026
- Military goods and services could not be sold overseas if they could help genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity.
- The Future Fund, the government's big savings fund, as well as super funds and charities, would have to sell off investments linked to genocide risk or illegal settlements.
- Big companies, unis and the government would have to put out a yearly genocide risk statement.
- A new Anti-Genocide Commissioner would be set up.
- It would be a crime to bring in or sell goods made by illegal settlers on land held by force.
Who it affects
- Defence companies and exporters: Their sales overseas would be banned if they could help a serious break of international law. They would keep records for 10 years.
- Super fund members and trustees: The people who run funds would have to keep fund money out of illegal settlements and genocide risk. This includes people who run their own fund.
- Registered charities: They would lose their charity status if they invest in banned companies or activities.
- Companies earning $100 million or more: They would have to put out a yearly statement on genocide risk in their business and the firms they buy from.
- Universities: They would have to put out the same yearly genocide risk statement.
- Importers and shops: Bringing in or selling goods made by illegal settlers on land held by force would become a crime.
Genocide treaty duties left unfinished
This bill comes from one MP. The government did not write it. Dr Sophie Scamps, the MP for the Sydney seat of Mackellar, brought it in on 14 September 2026.
Her notes on the bill say it is based on the Red Lines Package. That is a set of four planned laws. They aim to make sure Australia does not arm, fund, invest in or profit from serious breaks of international law.
Genocide means acts done to wipe out a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, in whole or in part. Australia signed the Genocide Convention in 1948. That is a world treaty, or agreement between countries. Under it, Australia must not commit genocide or help anyone commit it. It must try to stop it and punish it. The notes say Australian law so far mostly covers the punishing part.
The notes also point to a July 2024 view from the International Court of Justice. That is the top court of the United Nations. It found Israel's settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem break international law. These are Palestinian areas held by Israel. It said other countries should avoid trade and investment that helps keep them going.
The bill has five parts, called schedules. A matching bill was brought into the Senate the next day.
Stopping risky defence exports
Australia controls sales of weapons and military technology overseas. It does this under the Defence Trade Controls Act 2012. The Defence Minister gives permits for these sales.
The bill would ban any supply of military technology, goods or services that could help a serious break of international law. It lists three. They are genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. They are as defined in the Rome Statute. That is the treaty that set up the International Criminal Court. That world court tries people for the worst crimes.
The minister would have to refuse permits for these sales. The minister would have to cancel or change permits already given. The ban would also cover sales that do not need a permit today. This includes sales under AUKUS, the defence deal with the United States and United Kingdom.
The minister would have to keep a public list of supplies and decisions. Exporters would have to keep their own records for at least 10 years.
Breaking the rules could lead to fines or criminal charges. The bill says the government and its ministers could be charged too. They could not claim they are protected from the law.
The Customs Act 1901 is the main law on goods that cross the border. Matching changes to it make sure border rules cannot be used to get around the ban.
Selling certain investments
This part changes the rules for three big pools of money. They are the Future Fund, registered charities and super funds. The Future Fund is the government's big savings fund.
Each would have to keep its money away from three things. The first is a banned company. That includes companies on a United Nations list of businesses working in settlements on Palestinian land. The second is illegal settlement activity. The third is any business whose ways of working may add to the risk of genocide.
They must not knowingly invest in these. They must take all fair steps to avoid it. If they find they already hold such an investment, they must sell it quickly.
The Future Fund would have to say in its yearly report if it kept to the rule. The charities watchdog would have to strip a charity of its status if it broke the rule. That watchdog is the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission.
For super, the duty would apply to everyone who runs a fund. This includes people who run their own super fund.
Say your super fund holds shares in a company on the United Nations list. Under this bill, the fund would have to sell those shares.
The notes say the Future Fund was found in 2021 to hold $158 million in companies directly linked to the Myanmar military.
Yearly genocide risk statements
This part copies the idea of the Modern Slavery Act 2018. Under that law, big companies already report each year on slavery risks among the firms they buy from.
Some groups would have to give the government a yearly genocide statement. They are companies earning $100 million or more and defence firms. They also include unis, research bodies, the Future Fund and companies the government owns. The national government would put out one for all its departments.
Each statement would describe the business and the firms it buys from. It would set out the genocide risks and what the business is doing about them. The board must sign it off. It must not mislead. Statements would go on a public list.
Businesses covered would have a legal duty to check for genocide risk and fix problems. Senior managers would have duties too. The bill would also make it against the law to take part in ways of working that may add to genocide risk. Getting someone else to do so would also be against the law.
Two world courts might find that genocide is happening. One is the International Court of Justice. The other is the International Criminal Court. The bill treats such a finding as true unless there is strong proof the other way.
Other groups could choose to report even if they do not have to. The law would be looked at again after three years.
The Anti-Genocide Commissioner
Part 3 also creates an Australian Anti-Genocide Commissioner. This official would lead the fight against genocide risk. The Governor-General, the King's representative, would pick the Commissioner. The job would be full time for up to five years. It copies the Anti-Slavery Commissioner job set up in 2024.
The Commissioner would help businesses spot genocide risks. They would speak up for victims and survivors and look into problems. They could order businesses to fix problems.
The Commissioner could not look into single cases of suspected genocide. That stays with police. The office would only start once Parliament sets aside money for it in another law.
Government spending rules
This short part makes one thing clear. Nothing in the bill overrides the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013. That is the main law on how national money is managed.
Banning settlement trade
This part would make it a crime to bring in or sell settlement goods. These are goods made fully or partly in an illegal settlement by an illegal settler. The settlement must be on occupied land, which is land held by a foreign army or government.
It would also be a crime to buy or provide settlement services. It would be a crime to take things like oil, minerals or crops from occupied land. Helping someone else do any of these is covered too.
The ban would reach Australians and Australian companies acting overseas.
The notes say this does not ban all trade with a country or region. Goods made by people on occupied land who are not illegal settlers would still be allowed.
The bill lists seven areas of occupied land. The Foreign Minister could add more, based on findings of world courts and the United Nations. The Federal Court, a national court, could make orders to stop people breaking the rules.
Goods already on their way when the law starts could still come in. Businesses with deals already signed would have three months to change or end them. The Foreign Minister would report to Parliament each year. There would be an outside review after five years.
Say you run a shop that sells wine. A wine might be made by settlers on listed occupied land. You could not bring it in or sell it.
Start date
If passed, most of the law would start the day after it was signed into law. The Anti-Genocide Commissioner would start the day after another law gives money for the office.
Dr Scamps brought in the bill on 14 September 2026. That day she also started the debate on its main idea in the House of Representatives.
It is still before the House. It would need to pass the House and then the Senate, Parliament's second house. Bills from MPs outside the government often wait a long time. Many never come to a vote. A matching bill, the Red Lines Package Omnibus Bill 2026 [No. 2], is before the Senate.
Its journey through Parliament
| 14 Sep 2026 | House of Representatives: Introduced and read a first time |
| 14 Sep 2026 | House of Representatives: Second reading moved |